BRAILLORAMA
Jaargang 56 No. 11
Gedruk in UBC braille
deur Brailledienste van Blind SA
Privaatsak X9005
Crown Mines
2025
Tel: (+27) 11-839-1793
Faks: (+27) 86-519-3633
E-Pos: typing.HOD@blindsa.org.za
Besoek ons tuisblad by:
Redaksie: Christo de Klerk
Martie de Klerk
Carol Swart
Uitgewers: Blind SA
Rig alle korrespondensie aan: Die Redakteur, Privaatsak X9005, Crown Mines, 2025, Johannesburg, R.S.A.
“Hierdie publikasie is moontlik gemaak deur finansiële ondersteuning van die Departement Sport, Kuns & Kultuur”
Goedkoop sonpanele uit China hou ligte aan in Afrika
Elaine Krige
Maroela Media, 11 Oktober 2025
Afrika-lande en veral Suid-Afrika, voer al meer sonpanele van China af in, wat die kontinent se opwekkingskapasiteit aansienlik versterk. Dit, meen kenners, kan toegang tot betroubare kragvoorsiening op die kontinent – en uiteindelik ekonomiese vooruitgang – ʼn aansienlike hupstoot gee.
Volgens ʼn verslag deur Oxford Economics het China teen Julie vanjaar ʼn rekordgetal sonpanele na Afrika uitgevoer wat betref opwekkingskapasiteit, met 9 516 MW se panele wat in die eerste sewe maande van die jaar na Afrika verskeep is. Dit teenoor die 6 625 MW dieselfde tyd verlede jaar.
Suid-Afrika het die meeste megawatt se sonpanele in Afrika ingevoer (1 790 MW), gevolg deur Algerië (1 073 MW), Nigerië (1 064 MW) en Egipte (798 MW). Algerië se bestelling het die grootste toename getoon, van net omtrent 100 MW in 2024 tot meer as 1 000 MW vanjaar, terwyl die hoeveelheid megawatt wat Suid-Afrika ingevoer het, sedert 2024 met 300 MW afgeneem het. Luidens die verslag is dit waarskynlik weens die afname in beurtkrag in Suid-Afrika sedert 2023.
Luidens die verslag is die wêreld tans op die rand van nog ʼn elektrisiteitsrevolusie, soos die opwekking van krag van volhoubare energiebronne – veral sonkrag – skerp toeneem. Dit is gedeeltelik weens die toenemende bekostigbaarheid van hierdie opwekkingsmetode, soos dit al makliker raak om sonpanele te vervaardig en China – die grootste vervaardiger van sonpanele in die wêreld (77%) – grootskaalse produksiesubsidies instel.
In 2020 het die Internasionale Energie-agentskap (IEA) geraam dat sonkrag die goedkoopste vorm van elektriese energie in die geskiedenis geword het. Sedertdien het die koste van opwekking deur middel van sonkrag nog verder afgeneem.
Volgens die datamaatskappy Ember, het die koste van sonpanele sedert 2022 met 69% afgeneem, van $0,29 (R5) per watt tot $0,09 (R1,55) per watt in Julie vanjaar.
Kenners verbonde aan Oxford meen daarom die invoer van sonpanele kan ʼn oplossing bied vir die uitdagings van onbetroubare en duur kragvoorsiening wat Afrika-lande tans in die gesig staar. “Indien hierdie tendens voortduur – en ons glo dit sal – kan dit die kontinent se kragvoorraad aansienlik laat toeneem. Dit kan om die beurt lewensgehalte van inwoners verbeter en ekonomiese groei ʼn hupstoot gee.”
Teen 2023 het net meer as die helfte van inwoners in Afrika suid van die Sahara toegang tot elektrisiteit gehad.
“Die gebrek aan betroubare, bekostigbare krag verhinder ekonomiese groei in Afrika, om dus die toegang tot sonpanele aansienlik uit te brei, kan lewenskoste aansienlik verlaag en werkskepping en verhoogde produktiwiteit tot gevolg hê,” sê Lyle Begbie, ʼn ekonoom verbonde aan Oxford Economics.
Kenners waarsku egter dat aansienlike risiko’s steeds aan die opwekking van sonkrag verbonde is, onder meer omdat krag net opgewek kan word wanneer die son skyn.
“Afrika sal steeds moet belê in opwekking van basislading om betroubare kragvoorsiening te verseker. ʼn Moontlike teenvoeter teen die invoer van goedkoop Chinese produkte kan ook lei tot nuwe invoertariewe. Baie staatsbeheerde nutsdienste beskou boonop privaat sonkragopwekking as ʼn bedreiging, en skep doelbewuste hindernisse vir onafhanklike produsente,” lui die verslag.
Belasting, rompslomp pootjie sonkrag in SA
Bykomende belasting op sonpanele en duur administratiewe rompslomp in Suid-Afrika werk ook dié positiewe tendens teen, sê Rein Snoeck Henkemans, uitvoerende hoof van Alumo Energy.
“Huidige regulasies vereis dat alle sonkragstelsels van onder 100 kVA wat aan die kragnetwerk gekoppel is, deur ʼn professionele ingenieur afgeteken word, ʼn proses wat tot R20 000 kan kos. In teenstelling hiermee sal ʼn geregistreerde elektrisiën se sertifikaat van voldoening – wat vir lank as die industrie se veiligheidstandaard erken is – nader aan R1 500 kos,” sê Henkemans.
Henkemans wys wel daarop dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Buro van Standaarde besig is om veranderings te finaliseer wat gesertifiseerde elektrisiëns sal toelaat om sonkraginstallasies te kan sertifiseer – ʼn maatreël wat die koste vir voldoening drasties sal verminder en meer mense kan aanmoedig om van sonkragstelsels gebruik te maak.
In dieselfde asem veroorsaak Eskom se Homeflex-tarief – wat hoër vasgestelde verbindingsfooie insluit – dat huishoudings wat gebruik maak van sonkrag en dus minder van Eskom se krag gebruik, gepenaliseer word.
Energieanaliste waarsku juis dat só ʼn model Eskom duur te staan kan kom, deur meer mense te noop om heeltemal van die kragstelsel te ontkoppel en só die verbruikersbasis te verklein en onstabiliteit in kragpryse teweeg bring.
Uitspraak oor Malema welkom, maar lang wagtyd vir vonnis stel teleur
Nico Strydom
Maroela Media, 2 Oktober 2025
“Suid-Afrikaners is moeg vir misdaad en die staat se klaarblyklike huiwering om in sekere gevalle kragdadig op te tree. Vertragings in sake skep die persepsie van ongelyke geregtigheid.”
Só het dr. Corné Mulder, VF Plus-leier, gesê nadat EFF-leier Julius Malema skuldig bevind is op die vyf aanklagte teen hom wat verband hou met die oortreding van die Wet op die Beheer van Vuurwapens.
“Die uitspraak bevestig dat niemand bo die wet verhewe is nie. Die VF Plus verwelkom hierdie beginsel en eis die deurlopende toepassing daarvan.”
Volgens Mulder is dit egter teleurstellend dat Malema eers in Januarie gevonnis sal word. “Geregtigheid moet vinniger geskied. In Suid-Afrika se misdaadgeteisterde samelewing kan politieke leiers nie bo vervolging staan nie. Malema verdien die swaarste straf, al is dit eers in Januarie 2026.”
Die VF Plus sal volgens Mulder nou ook wil sien dat daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om Malema se beweerde rol in die VBS-skandaal en ander korrupsie-aanklagte te ondersoek.
Mulder het ook verwys na AfriForum wat verlede maand sy “Malema-dossier” aan amptenare van pres. Donald Trump in die Withuis oorhandig het.
“Dit bevat ʼn lys van klagtes oor haatspraak, aanhitsing tot geweld, korrupsiebeskuldigings en selfs ondersteuning vir terreurorganisasies wat oor jare strek.”
AfriForum het in Augustus 2018 strafregtelike klagte teen Malema aanhangig gemaak nadat hy verskeie skote met ’n vuurwapen afgevuur het tydens die viering van die EFF se vyfde verjaardag wat op 28 Julie 2018 buite Oos-Londen by die Sisa Dukashe-stadion in Mdantsane gehou is.
Volgens Jacques Broodryk, AfriForum se hoofwoordvoerder vir gemeenskapsveiligheid, het geregtigheid nou uiteindelik – ten spyte van jare se vertragings en onreëlmatighede in dié saak – geskied. “Die getuienis het oorweldigend bewys dat Malema verskeie ernstige oortredings ingevolge die Wet op die Beheer van Vuurwapens begaan het, en die uitspraak bevestig dat diegene wat dink dat hulle onaantasbaar is, uiteindelik verantwoording sal moet doen, al vat dit ook hoe lank.”
AfriForum het vroeër gesê die doel van sy Malema-dossier is om te verseker dat Malema nie net plaaslik vervolg word nie, maar dat sy optrede ook internasionaal aan die groot klok gehang word sodat hy ook in die buiteland die gevolge daarvan kan dra.
Gauteng dreig met nuwe wetgewing oor ‘bababokse’
Heléne Mocke
Maroela Media, 1 Oktober 2025
Die herrie oor Baby Savers se sogenaamde bababokse duur voort nadat die nasionale departement van maatskaplike ontwikkeling (DMO) ʼn wetswysiging ingedien het wat die gebruik van babahouers beëindig en dit as ʼn misdryf ingevolge wetgewing verklaar.
Volgens die DMO word alle rolspelers – insluitend hospitale, die polisie en kinderbeskermingsorganisasies – reeds gebruik om ma’s te ondersteun wat hulle babas wil weggee.
“Die doel is om veilige meganismes binne die kinderbeskermingsisteem te versterk,” sê die Gautengse departement van maatskaplike ontwikkeling in sy verklaring.
Die departement erken dat ma’s die reg het om hul baba weg te gee, maar sê dit beteken nie die kind mag verwerp word nie.
“Anonimiteit van die moeder kom neer op verwerping van die kind,” sê die Gautengse departement.
Die departement wys daarop dat kinders ook grondwetlike regte ten opsigte van hul ouers, familie, kultuur en identiteit het, en dat hierdie belange altyd eerste gestel moet word.
Die departement sê voorts die Kinderwet bepaal die verwerping van ʼn kind is onwettig. Pleegsorg en aanneming bied volgens die departement reeds veilige alternatiewe vir ma’s wat nie in ʼn posisie is om self na hul babas om te sien nie.
Die liefdadigheidsorganisasie, BabySavers SA, beskryf die beoogde wetwysiging as ʼn stap agteruit. Hulle waarsku dat die wetswysiging beteken dat die gebruik van ʼn bababoks gelykgestel gaan word aan verwerping – en dus ʼn misdaad. Volgens die organisasie word sowat 3 500 babas jaarliks in Suid-Afrika verwerp. Twee uit elke drie van dié kinders word dood gevind.
“ʼn Babahouer bied ʼn veilige alternatief tot gevaarlike verwerping,” sê die organisasie. Hulle doen ʼn beroep op die publiek om die wetswysiging teen te staan voordat die kommentaartydperk oor die voorgestelde wysigings op 25 Oktober sluit.
Die DA het ook na die DMO se onlangse stappe om babahouers en veilige afstanddoening as onwettig te klassifiseer gekap en waarsku dat dit tot selfs meer gevaarlike verwerping en onnodige babasterftes in Suid-Afrika kan lei.
Alexandra Abrahams, ʼn DA-LP en die party se woordvoerder oor maatskaplike ontwikkeling, sê die departement ignoreer kenners en wetgewing deur die voorgestelde wysiging terwyl geen lewensvatbare alternatief vir ma’s gebied word nie.
Abrahams sê die DA gaan die wysiging teenstaan om te keer dat desperaatheid ma’s dwing om hul babas op byvoorbeeld ashope agter te laat.
Ope brief: Die ANC kan dalk hoër tariewe bekostig, ons land kan nie
Flip Buys
Maroela Media, 1 Oktober 2025
Geagte meneer die president
Ons land bloei. Golwe van afleggings het Suid-Afrika getref, en ons kan nie daarna kyk as koue statistieke nie – dit is mense wat hul werk, huise en kinders verloor wat honger gaan slaap.
Ons kan eenvoudig nie meer skade aan ons ekonomie bekostig nie.
Sonder ʼn positiewe handelsooreenkoms met die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA), sal die ekonomiese skade nie net voortduur nie, maar dit sal toeneem. As die grootste ekonomie ter wêreld, is dit onverantwoordelik vir enige land om nie uitstekende bilaterale betrekkinge met die Verenigde State te hê nie. Om die Verenigde State aktief te antagoniseer, is eenvoudig roekeloos.
As president van die ANC het u probeer om die skuld vir die huidige diplomatieke krisis met die Verenigde State te verskuif. Die harde werklikheid, is dat die huidige krisis en gevolglike ekonomiese skade suiwer die ANC se eie toedoen is.
Nadat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering sy tweede grootste handelsvennoot vir meer as ʼn dekade verwaarloos en teengestaan het, het die vermoë van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering om met die VSA te skakel, in duie gestort – soos die meeste van die infrastruktuur in die res van Suid-Afrika.
Met die aankondiging van straftariewe deur die VSA op 2 April 2025, het die ANC-geleide regering meer as ʼn maand geneem om met die Verenigde State te begin skakel. Ná rampspoedige onderhandelinge het die ANC-geleide regering eenvoudig gekies om die probleem te ignoreer.
Nadat die Amerikaanse regering die sperdatum vir onderhandelinge verleng het, het tariewe op Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoere op 7 Augustus 2025 in werking getree, wat ernstige ekonomiese gevolge tot gevolg gehad het.
Soos dit staan, ses maande ná die aanvanklike aankondiging van tariewe, het die ANC-geleide regering steeds nie ʼn handelsooreenkoms met die Amerikaanse administrasie onderhandel nie.
Alhoewel verskeie ander lande se regerings met dringendheid en vasberadenheid gereageer het om hul ekonomieë en kwesbare werkers te beskerm, het die ANC-geleide regering dit nie gedoen nie. Uiteindelik sal Suid-Afrikaanse werkers betaal vir die ANC-geleide regering se afwesigheid en arrogansie.
Van die aanvanklike gesprekke met die Amerikaanse administrasie af, was die Solidariteit Beweging se doel om die diplomatieke en ekonomiese skade, wat die ANC oor ʼn dekade veroorsaak het, te voorkom of te herstel. In daardie mate het ons herhaaldelik na die ANC-geleide regering uitgereik om hande te vat. Al hierdie pogings is afgewys, en in plaas daarvan het ons intimidasie en radikale rassistiese retoriek ontvang.
Die ANC het dalk nie ʼn handelsooreenkoms met die VSA nodig nie, maar ons land het desperaat. Omdat die Solidariteit Beweging ons land liefhet, ten spyte daarvan dat hulle nie van ons regering hou nie, reik ons weereens uit na die ANC-geleide regering om te probeer om ʼn positiewe handelsooreenkoms met die Verenigde State te fasiliteer.
Eise van die Amerikaanse administrasie is herhaaldelik gekommunikeer. Kortliks behels dit die volgende:
Sekuriteit van eiendomsregte
U ondertekening van die Onteieningswet het massiewe onsekerheid oor eiendomsregte in Suid-Afrika veroorsaak. Sonder veilige eiendomsregte kan daar geen ekonomiese groei wees nie. Dit is tyd om die ANC-geleide regering se flirtasie met die konfiskering van eiendom te stop, en om private eiendomsregte onomwonde te beskerm en te bevorder. Alle beleggers benodig sekuriteit van eiendomsregte – buitelands of binnelands.
Versagting van rassewetgewing
Die Amerikaanse administrasie beskou die nakoming van Suid-Afrika se magdom rassewetgewing as ʼn nie-tarief-handelsversperring. Tog – ten spyte van bewyse dat hierdie wetgewing beleggings afskrik en groei verminder – het die ANC-geleide regering rasvoorkeur standvastig verdedig en in wetgewing verskans. Om buitelandse beleggings te lok, moet alternatiewe of vrystellings vir SEB en indiensnemingsgelykheid die standaard vir internasionale beleggers wees. Verskeie voertuie bestaan reeds in huidige wetgewing – die politieke wil om dit te gebruik, is tans die enigste ding wat ontbreek.
Beskerming van minderheidsregte
Ons land is divers met verskillende kulture wat daarin slaag om in relatiewe vrede en harmonie saam te leef. Die kwessie van minderhede en minderheidsregte sal onvermydelik ʼn warm onderwerp in so ʼn diverse land wees. Die Grondwet maak reeds voorsiening vir die beskerming van minderhede. Waar minderhede geteiken word, is dit van kritieke belang dat die regering ingryp en die Grondwet afdwing deur hierdie minderhede te beskerm. Deur te weier om die dreunsang van “Kill the Boer” te veroordeel, asook om standvastig te weier om plaasmoorde as ʼn prioriteitsmisdaad te verklaar, stuur die ANC-geleide regering die boodskap dat sekere minderhede eenvoudig nie dieselfde regte as ander burgers het nie.
Waarlik neutrale buitelandse beleid
Die ANC-geleide regering het herhaaldelik verklaar dat Suid-Afrika ʼn buitelandse beleid van neutraliteit volg. In die praktyk is die teenoorgestelde die geval. Suid-Afrika het amper onmiddellik die kant van beide Rusland en Hamas gekies in die Oekraïne- en Gaza-konflikte. Suid-Afrika het deelgeneem aan gesamentlike militêre oefeninge met Rusland op die herdenking van Rusland se inval in Oekraïne. Minder as twee maande ná die terreuraanval deur Hamas, het die ANC ʼn hoëvlak-afvaardiging van Hamas hartlik ontvang. In Augustus 2025 het Suid-Afrika se verdedigingshoof Iran besoek en na bewering politieke en militêre steun vir Iran verklaar minder as twee maande nadat die VSA en Israel ʼn militêre operasie uitgevoer het om Iran se kernprogram te deaktiveer.
Dit lyk asof die ANC-geleide regering gemaklik is met ʼn partydige buitelandse beleid wat in lyn is met Rusland, China, Iran en Hamas – dikwels ten koste van ons land en sy burgers.
Geen van hierdie Amerikaanse eise is tot nadeel van Suid-Afrikaanse burgers nie. Trouens, hierdie eise vereis nie eers ʼn groot beleidsverskuiwing nie. Die meeste van wat die VSA as deel van ʼn handelsooreenkoms eis, kan byna volledig in bestaande wetgewing geakkommodeer word.
Suid-Afrika hoef nie veel te beweeg om ʼn handelsooreenkoms met die VSA te bereik nie – maar daar moet beweging wees en, nog belangriker, ʼn bereidwilligheid om te beweeg.
Tot dusver het die ANC-geleide regering verskeie handelsvoorstelle gestuur wat eenvoudig nie by die Amerikaanse eise aansluit nie, en dikwels eerder as lesings as onderhandelinge gebruik word.
Wanneer die VSA te kampe het met regerings wat onwillig is of nie kan onderhandel nie, het hulle met meer ekonomiese druk gereageer. Lande soos China en Kanada is met selfs strenger tariewe getref weens hul onwilligheid om met die huidige Amerikaanse administrasie te onderhandel.
Die ANC-geleide regering se huidige benadering tot die krisis sal onvermydelik lei tot meer ekonomiese druk en hoër tariewe wat deur die Amerikaanse regering opgelê word.
Die ANC kan dalk hoër tariewe bekostig – ons land kan eenvoudig nie.
Die Solidariteit Beweging probeer desperaat om ʼn verdieping van die krisis te voorkom; ons voorsien egter dat die ANC-geleide regering se voortgesette gebrek aan dringendheid en erns slegs spanning sal aanwakker.
Ek wil u dus, president Ramaphosa, aanspoor om direk met my te skakel sodat ons ons hulpbronne kan gebruik om te probeer doen wat die beste vir ons land is, eerder as wat die beste vir die ANC is.
Ek het weereens ons spesiale verslag oor die VSA-SA-betrekkinge aangeheg wat wys op ʼn moontlike oplossing vir die diplomatieke impasse wat positief en billik vir beide lande is.
Ons land bloei – die geskiedenis sal jou hard oordeel as jy ego en trots kies eerder as samewerking en solidariteit.
Die uwe,
Flip Buys
Voorsitter: Die Solidariteit Beweging
Bela-wet: Regulasies oor taal, toelating steeds vaag
Heléne Mocke
Maroela Media, 3 Oktober 2025
Die konsepregulasies vir die toepassing van die Wysigingswet op Wette op Basiese Onderwys (Bela) met betrekking tot die toelating en kapasiteit van skole is vir openbare kommentaar gepubliseer, met AfriForum en Solidariteit wat aanvoer dat die regulasies veral oor toelating en kapasiteit van skole groot leemtes het.
Die sluitingsdatum vir openbare kommentaar was tot 5 Oktober 2025 verleng en talle organisasies het reeds skerp kritiek gelewer.
Volgens Alana Bailey, AfriForum se hoof van kultuursake, is die doel van sulke regulasies om wetgewing te verduidelik, maar juis hier skiet die huidige weergawe tekort. AfriForum se regspan wys daarop dat kernbepalings steeds vaag is, veral waar dit die rol van beheerliggame by skole teenoor dié van provinsiale onderwysdepartemente raak.
“Van die mees omstrede kwessies sedert die eerste weergawe van die Bela-wetsontwerp is taalbeleide en beheerliggame se gesag. Hoewel regulasies oor taal nog nie vir kommentaar gepubliseer is nie, raak dit direk aan toelating. Die huidige regulasies bied eenvoudig nie genoeg duidelikheid nie,” sê Bailey.
Sy waarsku dat die vaagheid nie net administratiewe probleme skep nie, maar ook uitgerekte geskille en duur hofgedinge kan veroorsaak. AfriForum het daarom versoek dat teenstrydighede en onduidelike bepalings dringend reggestel word.
‘Onderwysers kan nie nóg laste dra’
Solidariteit kritiseer op sy beurt die praktiese uitwerking van die regulasies. Volgens Johnell Prinsloo, onderwysnavorser by die Solidariteit Navorsingsinstituut, hou die departement geen rekening met die werklas van onderwysers nie.
“Daar is eenvoudig nie geld vir nuwe aanstellings nie. Onderwysers moet meer leerders in bestaande klasse inpas, iets wat die onderriggehalte benadeel. Die realiteit is dat elke skool uniek is, van sy infrastruktuur en personeel tot die vakke wat aangebied word. Dit kan nie op ʼn eenvormige lysie vasgevang word wat net afgemerk moet word nie,” sê sy.
Prinsloo sê ook dat toelating- en taalbeleid in praktyk hand aan hand loop, en dat beheerliggame en bestuurspanne die ruimte moet behou om in die beste belang van leerders op te tree.
Nie net vir flieks nie: Slimhuise nou binne jou bereik
Maroela Media, 26 September 2025
Dink jy slimhuise is iets uit ’n fliek? Dink weer. Met plaaslik vervaardigde produkte soos CBi-electric se Astute-reeks, is slimhuis-tegnologie nou binne die bereik van gewone Suid-Afrikaners. Jy hoef nie jou huis te herbedraad of groot beleggings te maak nie – met slimproppe, slimbeheerderstoestelle en ’n eenvoudige app op jou foon, kan jy jou huis slim en doeltreffend bestuur.
Volgens Andrew Dickson, hoof van ingenieurswese by CBi-electric: low voltage, gee hierdie tegnologie die beheer terug aan die verbruiker én dis maklik om te gebruik.
Só kan dit jou lewe verbeter:
1. Verbeter energiedoeltreffendheid
Slimbeheer stel jou in staat om energieverbruik strategies te bestuur. Skakel kragintensiewe toestelle soos geisers en lugversorgers af tydens spitsure, verminder jou koolstofvoetspoor, en verlig die druk op die nasionale netwerk. Met die CBI Home-app kan jy skedules instel en dit outomaties bestuur. Jy kan selfs jou energieverbruik monitor en vasstel watter toestelle die meeste krag gebruik.
2. Verminder kostes
Stygende elektrisiteitspryse maak dit belangrik om jou kragverbruik slim te bestuur. Toestelle wat aan bly maar nie gebruik word nie, trek steeds krag. Met slimproppe (ASP) en die app kan jy dit vinnig afskakel, wat geld spaar sonder moeite.
3. Gerief op aanvraag
Of jy nou by die huis is of met vakansie rondrits, kan jy jou toestelle direk vanaf jou selfoon beheer. Die enigste vereiste is ’n internetverbinding en die CBI Home-app – beskikbaar op die Google Play Store en Apple App Store.
4. Gemoedsrus
Vergeet jy soms om die verwarmer af te skakel? Met die ASP kan jy enige tyd kyk wat aan is en dit dadelik afskakel. Jy kan selfs ligte laat aanskakel om veiligheid te verhoog of dit te laat lyk asof iemand tuis is.
5. Aanpasbaarheid en bekostigbaarheid
Die Astute-reeks werk met jou bestaande elektriese infrastruktuur, sonder duur opgraderings. Dit beteken alles wat elektries is, wat by ’n slimtoestel ingeprop kan word, kan moontlik by die huisoutomatiseringstelsel ingesluit word en beheer word soos jy wil.
6. Energiebeheer van enige plek af
Met toestelle soos die Astute Smart Power Indicator (ASPI) ontvang jy waarskuwings wanneer netwerk- of alternatiewe krag afgaan. Jy kan dan vinnig hoë-energie toestelle afskakel om batterye te beskerm en oorlading te voorkom – ideaal vir huise met sonkrag.
7. Beskerm jou sonkragbelegging
Die ASPI kan gebruik word om ander Astute-slimtoestelle te outomatiseer en sodoende jou kritieke infrastruktuur, soos ligte en sekuriteitstelsels, aan die gang te hou wanneer die hoofkrag af is. Gebruikers kan energie-intensiewe toestelle afskakel om oorlading van die stelsel te voorkom. Dit maak sonkragstelsels meer betroubaar en verhoog die waarde van jou belegging.
8. Neem jou slimhuis saam, waar jy ook al gaan
Die nuwe Astute Smart Adaptor (ASA) bring slimhuis-funksionaliteit na enige standaard Suid-Afrikaanse prop – geen elektrisiën nodig nie. Prop dit in, koppel via Wi-Fi of Bluetooth, en bestuur jou toestelle via die CBI Home-app. Dis ideaal vir huurders, studente of mense wat dikwels reis.
Dickson moedig verbruikers ook aan om plaaslike handelsmerke te kies.
“Elke plaaslike aankoop is ’n belegging in ons mense, gemeenskappe en ekonomie. Die keuse tussen plaaslik en ingevoer is ’n stem vir Suid-Afrikaanse werkgeleenthede.”
Jou krag, jou keuse
“Met lewenskoste wat steeds styg, is dit nou die tyd vir Suid-Afrikaners om beheer te neem en koste te bespaar waar hulle kan,” sluit hy af.
Vir meer inligting
Die Astute-reeks bestaan tans uit ses produkte:
• die Astute Smart Controller (ASC)
• Isolator (ASI)
• Plug (ASP)
• Dedicated Plug (ASP-D)
• Power Indicator (ASPI) en
• Adaptor (ASA).
Die reeks is by die meeste huiswarewinkels te koop. Besoek https://www.cbi-lowvoltage.co.za/astute vir meer inligting.
Gedig: ‘Oktobermaand’
Maroela Media, 1 Oktober 2025
Oktobermaand
C Louis Leipoldt (1880-1947)
Viooltjies in die voorhuis –
Viooltjies blou en rooi!
Viooltjies orals op die veld,
En orals, ai, so mooi!
Dit is die maand Oktober,
die mooiste, mooiste maand!
Dan is die dag so helder,
so groen is elke aand,
So blou en sonder wolke
die hemel heerlik bo,
So blomtuin-vol van kleure
die asvaal ou Karoo.
Dit is die maand Oktober!
Die varkblom is in bloei;
Oor al die seekoegate
is kafferskuil gegroei;
Die koppies, kort gelede
nog soos ʼn klip so kaal,
Het nou vir welkomsgroetnis
hul mooiste voorgehaal.
Dit is die maand Oktober!
Die akkerboom is groen;
Die bloekoms langs die paaie
is almal nuutgeboen;
En orals in die tuin rond
ruik jy sering en roos,
Jasmyn en katjiepiering,
lemoen en appelkoos.
Al was die dag soos yster
lank in die vuur gesteek,
Die varings in die klofies
deur hitte geel verbleek,
Tog, as die son daar onder
agter die berge gaan,
Dan word oor heel die wêreld
die mooiste geur geslaan.
Dit is die maand Oktober!
Die kokkewiet is uit;
Boomsingertjies en kriekies
dié hoor jy orals fluit;
Fiskaal is op die oorlog –
daaronder by die sluis,
Daar is ʼn dor ou doringboom
sy spens en sy kombuis.
Dit is die maand Oktober!
Ek dink die mense vier
Vir ewig in die hemel
Oktobermaand soos hier!
Wat wens jy meer as blomme,
as helder dag en nag?
Wat kan jy beter, mooier
of heerliker verwag?
Ek is nog in Oktober!
My tuin is nog so groen,
So wit met al wat mooi is,
met bloeisels van lemoen,
So pragtig in die môre,
so heerlik in die aand!
Ek is nog in Oktober,
die mooiste, mooiste maand!
Wat gee ek om die winter?
Wat praat jy nou van Mei?
Wat skeel dit as ons later
weer donker dae kry?
Ek is nou in Oktober,
die mooiste, mooiste maand,
Met elke dag so helder,
so pragtig elke aand!
Viooltjies in die voorhuis –
Viooltjies blou en rooi!
Viooltjies orals op die veld,
En orals, ai, so mooi!
Death isn’t the end of accountability
By Sydney Majoko
While respecting the family, the public still demands clarity on Mthethwa’s alleged role in criminal and corrupt networks. When the news broke that South Africa’s ambassador to France, Nathi Mthethwa, died last week, the question uppermost in many people’s minds was: was it because his name was mentioned at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry?
Although the circumstances around his death are yet to be clarified, early indications are that Mthethwa, the former minister of police from 2008 to 2014, took his own life by jumping to his death from the 22nd floor of a hotel in Paris.
Although he gained notoriety as the minister of sport, arts and culture who wanted to build a R22 million monument of the national flag, it was as minister of police that he was mentioned at the Madlanga commission.
The timing of his death means there are questions to which the commission and the country will never get answers to.
Although respect needs to be given to his grieving family and friends, the greatest commitment must be to uncovering the truth behind the allegations that General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi made that the former minister of police contributed to the political influence that allowed alleged criminals to evade law enforcement, while unlawfully extracting state funds for their own selfish benefit.
Not many South Africans will remember Shonisani Lethole, who died at the height of the Covid pandemic in June 2020, and that health ombud prof Malegapuru Makgoba found that at the time of his death he had gone for over 100 hours without being fed.
How is the death of South Africa’s ambassador to France related to possibly the worst betrayal of the public’s trust in the death of Lethole?
Mthethwa, in his capacity as a senior ANC leader, as well as former minister of police, was part of a leadership that allowed tenderpreneurs to steal the funds meant to provide food for Lethole.
This week, Crime Intelligence boss General Dumisani Khumalo implicated North West businessman Brown Mogotsi in being the link between alleged criminals and the minister of police.
While it is not clear what official role Mogotsi played in the police department, the WhatsApp messages that Khumalo revealed at the commission make it clear he had access to senior ANC leadership – including minister Senzo Mchunu – while at the same time he was in communication with people like Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, who is alleged to be part of the syndicate that extracted over R2.3 billion from Tembisa Hospital.
In what can only be a Freudian slip this weekend, ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula divulged that Mogotsi sent him a message “which I will not even bother to respond to”.
Mbalula might think that his public dismissal of Mogotsi is enough to create distance between them, but he just confirmed that the man at the centre of what is surely an unholy alliance between criminals and senior ANC/government leadership also has access to him, the most senior leader of the ANC after President Cyril Ramaphosa.
Granted, Mthethwa was police minister 10 years ago, but it has become clear that the atmosphere allowed “businessmen” access to loot funds meant for the likes of Lethole at Tembisa Hospital.
Mkhwanazi is on record stating he experienced the “worst political interference under police minister Nathi Mthethwa”.
The gall to issue instructions to an acting national police commissioner on how to do his job was a part of a sliding scale that led to the atmosphere that the likes of Mogotsi now exploit to manipulate senior government leaders.
Before you lead, you have to serve
By Kekeletso Nakeli
The Citizen, 9 October 2025
With almost everyone now a political expert with high moral standing, those who have risen to stand in for missing leaders are people we least expected.
We have seen community organisations, sometimes labelled as vigilante groups, gaining traction as “the emancipators of the people”, such as Operation Dudula and March and March.
With ActionSA naming antidrug activist Xolani Khumalo as its Ekurhuleni mayoral candidate, the conversation now shifts to, are politicians the only people we need to spearhead the country back to a state of functionality?
The silent have remained silent on the state of the nation because they recognise the leadership vacuum in the country.
The names that the ANC has come up with as potential replacements brings one absolutely no joy.
As the vultures circle to taste the intoxicating power served with leadership, SA remains gripped in failing municipalities and a runaway economy held hostage by crime.
Someone clinical, without an agenda, would need to step into these important roles to stabilise our nation, one city at a time.
Looking deep into the ANC, who can be counted among those who can do this? Not a single name springs to mind.
We are quick to call for a change of leadership, but have we considered the alternatives?
Why not consider a leader from the opposition … with all these failing coalitions, people ask.
I would never trust a leader relying on a coalition to survive.
When relations sour, so does the thin glue that holds them in power.
They then move from the ideals which we voted for them to the same party we gave them power to preside over.
We have seen the EFF do this countless times.
The leadership vacuum is not an ANC problem but a South African problem.
While we may be disappointed and fed up with the known leaders, but alternatives? Better the snake voters know.
Is Khumalo fit to swim in the waters of politics? Is his lack of media training and political background a disadvantage?
We may not know, but we have seen the passion and dedication to the cause he serves.
That’s what the opposition parties will need to respond to.
Do they have servants of the people who can go toe-to-toe with ActionSA in effort to reclaim the glory days of South Africa?
Only time will tell …
ConCourt rules fathers entitled to equal parental leave as mothers
Enkosi Selane
The Citizen, 3 October 2025
The Constitutional Court has unanimously ruled that all parents of newborns are entitled to equal parental leave of four months and 10 days, regardless of gender, sex, colour, or circumstances.
The court found that previous provisions in the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA), which distinguished between maternity and paternity leave, constituted unfair and unconstitutional discrimination.
Judge Zukisa Lumka Tshiqi delivered the landmark judgment on 3 October 2025, confirming that sections of the BCEA dealing with maternity and parental leave “unfairly discriminate between different classes of parents as to the length of parental leave available to parents and as to the unemployment benefits to which they are entitled and the periods for which unemployment benefits are paid.”
Parents may now share the leave amongst themselves as they see fit.
The ruling affects biological parents, adoptive parents and commissioning parents in surrogacy arrangements.
Key provisions of the parental leave ruling
The court retained the current four-month leave for biological mothers but extended this right to fathers as well.
Where only one parent is employed, that parent is entitled to full parental leave.
In cases of biological birth, the mother must have preference regarding the time currently allocated for preparation for and recovery from birth. Subject to this qualification, parents are entitled to share the available days as they choose.
“In the event of disagreement, the leave contemplated in the relevant section shall be apportioned between the parents in such a way that each parent’s total parental leave is as close as possible to half of four months and 10 days,” Tshiqi ruled.
Tshiqi stated that a father who wishes to avail himself of paternity leave must qualify as one who has assumed parental rights and responsibilities over the child as contemplated in the Children’s Act.
Dignity and discrimination concerns
Tshiqi emphasised the dignity implications of the previous legislation. “The shorter period of leave deprives commissioning parents of the opportunity to structure their parental responsibilities according to their personal circumstances, thereby intruding upon their private life, thereby undermining their dignity,” she said.
The judge noted that there are several reasons why certain couples opt for adoption or surrogacy. “They should not be penalised for this,” Tshiqi said. “There are also many reasons why partners decide that the father should be the primary caregiver.”
She added that circumstances may dictate that the father assumes the role of primary caregiver, even when the other partner is the birth mother.
“Legislation that prevents them, without any legitimate reason, from arranging their affairs according to their personal circumstances and preferences intrudes upon their private space unnecessarily and impacts their human dignity,” the judge said.
Age limit for adoption struck down
The court also declared unconstitutional the two-year age limit for adopted children to qualify for parental leave.
Previously, adoptive parents could only claim leave if their adopted child was below two years of age.
Tshiqi found that adoptive parents of children older than two years and their children are treated differently from parents and children younger than two years.
“The extent of the limitation is such that there is no leave at all for adoptive parents with adopted children who are two years or older,” she said.
The judge acknowledged uncertainty about what a reasonable cap should be. “This is a matter best left for final determination by the legislature, as the unfair discrimination cannot be justified. An order that the capping of the age at two years is unconstitutional must therefore follow,” she ruled.
While the primary focus of granting leave is nurturing, Tshiqi accepted that adjustment to a new environment is also very important for adopted children and cannot be excluded from consideration.
Parliament given 36 months to act
The declarations of constitutional invalidity have been suspended for 36 months from the date of the order, affording Parliament an opportunity to remedy the constitutional defects.
Pending remedial legislation, the impugned provisions of the BCEA will be read in with immediate effect.
The court directed that parental leave, which now combines the former maternity and paternity leave, adoption leave and commissioning parental leave, will equally entitle parents to four months and 10 days shared leave.
The additional 10 days previously contemplated for paternity leave is now included in the total available to be shared between parents.
Not later than six months before the expiry of the 36-month suspension period, Tshiqi said the minister must furnish a report to the registrar on notice to the parties regarding whether remedial legislation has been brought into operation.
Background to the parental leave case
The case originated in 2022 when the Johannesburg High Court heard challenges to the BCEA provisions.
The applicants were Werner Van Wyk and Ika Van Wyk, a married couple and parents of a child, along with Sonke Gender Justice and the Commission for Gender Equality. The respondent was the Minister of Labour and Employment.
Roland Sutherland, deputy judge president of the Gauteng Division of the High Court, ruled in favor of the applicants.
“The sections in the BCEA do offend sections 9 and 10 of the Constitution. Parliament must get to work to eliminate the inequalities,” Sutherland said in his 2022 judgment.
He proposed that all parents, regardless of their background, enjoy four consecutive months of parental leave collectively.
“In other words, each pair of parents of a qualifying child shall share the four months leave as they elect,” Sutherland ruled.
Previous discriminatory framework
Before the ruling, the BCEA differentiated three categories of children: those born of a mother, those born by surrogacy, and adopted children. Birth mothers were entitled to four consecutive months’ maternity leave, of which one month could be taken prior to the date of birth. Fathers were entitled to only 10 days leave from the date of birth.
Adoptive parents faced additional restrictions. One parent was entitled to 10 consecutive weeks’ leave, and the other to 10 days’ leave, but only if the adopted child was under two years old.
Additionally, the period of 10 weeks leave was six weeks less than that to which a birth mother was entitled.
Commissioning parents in surrogacy arrangements had identical entitlements to adoptive parents: 10 weeks or 10 days. The statute said nothing about the surrogate herself.
The minister of labour had argued that the existing suite of benefits in the BCEA compared favourably with those of other states, particularly countries with socio-economic profiles similar to South Africa’s.
The minister contended that the controversy was intrinsically a matter of social policy involving resource allocation, better left to parliament to evaluate.
The National Employers’ Association of South Africa also opposed the relief sought, arguing it would be bad for business and sharing the minister’s view that Parliament should address the controversy.
Unemployment Insurance Fund implications
The ConCourt found it inappropriate to provide an interim reading-in for corresponding provisions of the Unemployment Insurance Fund Act before the suspension period lapses.
Tshiqi noted that the UIF Act is regulated differently from the BCEA.
“This court does not have sufficient information at its disposal regarding how the benefits in the corresponding provisions of the UIF are calculated,” she said. “Given that a reading-in in respect of the impugned provisions of the UIF Act is more complex than in the case of the BCEA, it seems preferable to defer the question of such a reading-in.”
The order includes a direction that this question be brought to the court’s notice for supplementary relief if it appears likely there will be a need for remedial reading-in.
The same approach applies to the two-year age cap in the BCEA.
Any of the parties may apply for supplementary relief to become operative upon expiry of the 36-month suspension period. Such applications must be brought not later than four months before the suspension period expires.
Tshiqi ordered that the minister pay the applicants’ costs in the Constitutional Court, including the costs of two counsel.
Dead or alive? Home Affairs official convicted for deciding fates of South Africans
By Vhahangwele Nemakonde
The Citizen, 3 October 2025
The former Home Affairs employee used her access to the national population register for insurance fraud.
Imagine walking into a Home Affairs branch to apply for a passport for a planned trip, only for the system to flag you as a deceased person.
This scenario might as well describe the dilemma of victims of Dawn Celeste Pieterson, a former Home Affairs employee who was convicted of manipulating the system for her financial benefit.
The Calvinia Magistrate Court convicted 45-year-old Pieterson on Thursday. She was found guilty on all nine counts of fraud, read with the provisions of sections 99, 103, and 224 of the Criminal Procedure Act of 1977, as well as two counts of contravention of Section 31 (1) (d) of the Birth and Death Registration Act 51 of 1992.
According to the Hawks, Pieterson’s shenanigans took place between February 2019 and September 2022 when she was an employee of the Department of Home Affairs based in Calvinia.
“Pieterson took funeral covers on unsuspecting victims from reputable insurance companies and nominated herself as a beneficiary. To benefit, she manipulated the national population register by falsely issuing BI-1663 forms (notice of death form) to reflect the fictitious deaths of the victims,” said Hawks spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Tebogo Thebe.
“The system registered the affected persons as deceased, resulting in a plethora of problems in the victims’ day-to-day lives.”
Her case was postponed to 26 January 2026 for the court to decide her fate.
Home Affairs and fraud
Between July 2024 and July 2025, Home Affairs dismissed 38 officials for various offences, including fraud.
At least eight of these have been convicted and sentenced to prison terms ranging from four to 18 years. Criminal prosecution of more officials is underway.
“I repeat my warning to anyone involved in corruption: the days of defrauding this department, or committing acts of sexual harassment or abuse while relying on long, drawn-out disciplinary processes, are over,” said Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber.
“I would like to thank the diligent officials, including those involved in accelerating disciplinary processes, who are playing a critical role in our work to clean up Home Affairs.”
Gaza peace – A journey of a thousand miles begins with the first step
By J Brooks Spector
Daily Maverick, 13 October 2025
On an emotional day, the remaining live Israeli hostages are home, some 2000 Palestinians are being released from prisons, and an extraordinary gathering of more than 20 global leaders has endorsed an agreement to end the fighting in Gaza. But much more remains to be done.
… These are the days of miracle and wonder
This is the long distance call
The way the camera follows us in slo-mo
The way we look to us all…
The Boy in the Bubble – Paul Simon
Maybe it is a miracle, or maybe it has just been people acting like adults. But on 13 October, Hamas gave the remaining 20 Israeli hostages who were still alive following their kidnappings on 7 October 2023 their freedom, and they were being reunited with their friends and families.
This has come even as about two thousand people who have been held in Israeli prisons – either as convicted prisoners or recent detainees – are now carrying out their own respective journeys to freedom – with some going on to Gaza by bus.
This is after they have been released in the West Bank, where they are now being reunited with their friends and families to rapturous happiness. The remains of Israeli hostages who perished in captivity are similarly being repatriated.
Not surprisingly, some Israelis – and others – have muttered that the balance of numbers was far too much in favour of the newly released Palestinians, and that, moreover, many of those released were guilty of acts of terror and other crimes. But no matter, there is no gainsaying that these events represent a door that has been opened to a potential future that is not filled with yet more death and destruction.
The next extraordinary event was the major gathering at Sharm el Sheikh in Egypt that came after US President Donald Trump’s warm reception by the Israeli parliament, when he spoke there at the beginning of the day. In contrast with almost every other major international conference, this gathering at a hotel came together with astonishing speed.
Just a week ago, such a gathering was not even notionally on the cards. But now, leaders from Muslim states across the Middle East (minus Iran, of course, but including Pakistan and Indonesia) were joined by leaders from major European nations and beyond, as well as – inevitably – President Trump.
Trump arrived in the region to take a victory lap for what he may well have rather too easily pronounced as the end of the conflict.
At this meeting, some of the participants, such as President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari, vied to heap the most extraordinary encomiums on Trump as that leader promised to nominate Trump for a so-far-elusive Nobel Peace Prize in 2026.
On CNN, Dan Senor, a former adviser to President George W Bush, ascribed Trump’s success to his decision to choose to embrace “the yes” rather than the negatives, when he and his team were confronted by any statements that said, “Yes, but what about X?”
Despite all the possible potholes or worse, as retired Israeli ambassador Arthur Lenk told the writer, “The hostages are home. Today, nothing else matters.”
For Israelis, the actual release of those 20 hostages generated a massive show of relief, even if the families of those who will have only an opportunity to bury the remains of loved ones will have their grief to cope with amid those national celebrations.
But caution should still be the watchword.
It is not out of the question that conflict could flare up again, either as spillovers from internecine fighting among rival clans and militias inside Gaza – the beginnings of which have already flared up – or between elements of a not fully disarmed Hamas militia and the Israeli Defense Forces, despite the terms of the ceasefire.
After all, so many ceasefires have withered away in that region over the past decades that the current moment demands a degree of wariness before the parades take place.
Potential sticking points
As the leaders’ conference began to break up, a whole roster of elements from the original 20-point peace proposal put forward by Trump remain unsettled.
These include which nations will supply the specified stabilisation peacekeeping force, how it will be paid for, whether this will take place under the aegis of the UN, and what its exact terms of engagement will be in its assignment. Then there is the question of where the funds for a reconstruction of Gaza’s blasted landscape will come from and how they will be administered.
There is also the question of how, precisely, the demilitarisation of Hamas will be carried out and to what extent. In addition, who, precisely, will participate in the transitional governing body, the “board of peace,” and how it will operate.
Added to this is the unresolved question of how a reformed/reconstructed/re-energised Palestinian Authority will participate in some way in the governance of Gaza from its current circumstances in the West Bank; and how any effective settlement in Gaza will begin to spill over into the West Bank (and how that could presage the nearly mythic two-state solution).
These are just a few of the more obvious potential sticking points. Undoubtedly, there will be others as events move forward.
What did not happen by Monday evening was a release of the specifics of that joint statement signed by the assembled global leaders.
As a result, until that document is made public, there may well be some pushing and shoving over what exactly was agreed to and who has committed to what specific actions. Still, as the apocryphal Chinese saying goes: a journey of a thousand miles begins with the first step. This is a real step, but only the first.